درخت حوزه‌های تخصصی

The significance of neighborhood relations in geopolitics cannot be over-emphasized. As a space for neighborhood relations, sport is one of the most effective issues in power, competition, and convergence on national and transnational scales. International competitive sports are useful for remembering people to compare themselves with the other nation’s achievements and capabilities. Meanwhile, the Persian Gulf is the most significant region in the world due to its energy resources and strategic position. Tensions between the regional states have increased, especially between Iran and some Arab states. Most of these tensions have appeared in sport and athletic competitions. Therefore, the emergence of political-geographical rivalry in sports contests can be studied as the geopolitics of sport. This descriptive-analytic paper explained the power aspects in sport and politics from the point of the geopolitics of sport in the Persian Gulf region and studied geopolitical competitions in the region and its interaction in the sporting arena. The results of the research indicate that sports contests can bring sphere of convergence and cooperation and in some cases can provide the increasing and strengthen of tension and competition.

The article analyzes the contemporary factors that contributed to US-Poland relations under President Trump. Both the United States and Poland had their fair share of troubles with the EU. For Poland, issues range with compliance over the rule of law, adherence to common EU values and the refugee resettlement and migration policy. For the US, issues with the EU under the Trump presidency formed a larger part of the changing US policy towards the transatlantic alliance. The article argues that while both the United States and Poland find common interests in defense, energy security and their estranged relationship with Germany, Poland’s economic engagement with the EU, in particular with Germany, forces Warsaw at best to find a balance between its main economic partner the EU and its security ally the United States. For the US, its relationship with Poland under the Trump presidency, falls in line with its policy of prioritizing bi-lateral relationships in the EU, thereby undermining the EU-NATO multilateral dynamics. .

This article examines the role of the monarchy institution by focussing on the Kelantan monarchy institution, especially during the reign of the Al-Marhum Kebawah Duli Yang Maha Mulia Tuanku Ismail Petra (1979-2010), which had shown noteworthy contributions in strengthening bilateral relation between two monarch families of Kelantan and Thailand. The study endeavours to analyse why the relations of these two monarch families are intimate, and how they are able to sustain their mutual interactions which benefits both royal institutions? In answering these two important questions, the study divides the scope of discussion into three main points. Firstly, it attempts to locate the position of the monarch institution in the international political system vis-à-vis the prevailing modern state system of government nowadays. Secondly, it explores the early interactions of the Kelantan and Thailand monarchs which sets the bedrock of the present relations. Thirdly, it assesses the role of Al-Marhum Kebawah Duli Yang Maha Mulia Sultan Ismail Petra as the main focus of the study, to sustain the relations with the Thai royals, and concurrently has benefitted both in developing the Royal Kelantan socio-development projects, and dealing with the crisis in the southern part of Thailand. The methods of this study comprised of interviews with the Kelantan monarch and its officials before and during the 2007 Royal Commemoration of Universiti Malaysia Sabah and content research of written documents from archives and library research. 

Islamic fundamentalism is a thought school in the Islamic World which is manifested in the formation of Islamic fundamentalist groups and different violent actions. The Horn of Africa is a region for Islamic fundamentalist movements. From past to present, the most active fundamentalist Islamic groups in the region are AIAI, ICU and Al-Shabab group. The most important issue in this relation is the relation between Islamic fundamentalism and geopolitics. This research is theoretical from viewpoint of the nature and method and also is descriptive-analytic in terms of its approach. The research data gathering procedure is based on library findings. The research analyzed the relation between Islamic fundamentalism and geopolitics with the investigation of Islamic fundamentalist groups in the Horn of Africa. The research main question is that what is the relation between geopolitics and the formation of Islamic fundamentalism in the Horn of Africa? The research findings showed that Islamic fundamentalism is in geopolitical thought and the leaders of Islamic fundamentalist groups not only follow geopolitical thought in their goals and utopias, but also the causes and roots of the formation of Islamic fundamentalist groups have geopolitical burden, and six geopolitical roots can be characterized for the formation of Islamic fundamentalist groups.

The security-based futurology of political units is a type of futurology focusing on geographic areas to assess their security status in the future. The Caspian region as one of the regions facing various factors has gained geopolitical significance, has a wide range of probable futures. The operational objective of this study is to identify the criteria affecting the security of this region and its final objective is to delineate an optimal security-based future for the region through a future study approach. It is a qualitative case study being formulated based on some qualitative and quantitative models and the relevant literature is used as the basis for classifying security standards into six groups of military, economic, spatial, sociocultural, political and environmental. the results were used to present 18 criteria of this region security. Then, 26 questionnaires were distributed among a group of faculty members of geopolitics from the universities of Russia, Iran, Azerbaijan, Kazakhstan, and Turkmenistan. The collected data were analyzed using the combined mean TOPSIS method and key criteria of the Caspian region security were extracted. The findings indicated that the three key criteria of joint military and weapons investment, commercial relations and human development as the most critical geopolitical criteria of security in this region formed eight security scenarios and finally the scenario based on ‘regional joint military and weapons investment, free trade, and the homogeneous human development’ with higher scores were introduced as the criterion for the delineation of security perspective for the leaders of countries in this region.

Various infectious diseases have plagued humankind and killed millions throughout history. Crisis management by governments has been crucial in such emergencies. This study aims to examine the method of crisis management caused by epidemics, especially Corona in Iran, and seeks to discover the policies and measures which have been taken by governments to prevent the spread of diseases and treat these diseases since the Qajar period. In this research, which was carried out by historical method and with a descriptive-analytical approach, to collect data, documents related to the subject, identification, study, and required information were extracted and indexed. Findings indicate that the policy-making process has been better and more effective by passing of time. Thus, the minimum programs implemented by the government were not successful for various reasons in the Qajar period, but infectious diseases were mainly controlled due to the compulsion to implement health regulations in the Pahlavi period. Great strides have been made in preventing the spread of infectious diseases after the victory of the Islamic Revolution in Iran. Since the outbreak of corona disease, various measures have been taken to control the disease, which has helped curb public awareness and participation to a large extent, and Iran is now on the verge of producing the corona vaccine and launching it on the market.

As the COVID-19 pandemic rages through the world, a “tsunami” of legal and economic issues including breach of contracts occurred in the private and public sectors. In Iran and throughout the world, almost all contracts contain so-called “force majeure” clauses, which excuse a business’s non-performance if circumstances beyond their control prevent (or sometimes hinder) performance. These clauses often list out the circumstances which excuse non-performance and they may include flood, fire, terrorism, war “Act of God” and sometimes epidemic. Due to the impacts of the pandemic on the price of materials and tremendous increase in the costs, contractors try to take COVID-19 as a legal excuse (force majeure) to breach the contract. The present paper tries to answer the questions that can the contractors take force majeure as a “get out of jail free” card? Does the COVID-19 outbreak constitute force majeure and excuse non-performance of contract? And how does it affect “time of Essence” clauses in contracts? Through the critical analysis method, this article scrutinizes the legal challenges of the issue.  Findings show that having a look ahead, the legislator has to redefine the meaning of force majeure in the Iranian and European law .