منافع ژئوپلیتیکی بازیگران منطقه ای در بحران یمن (مقاله علمی وزارت علوم)
درجه علمی: نشریه علمی (وزارت علوم)
آرشیو
چکیده
یمن به دلیل موقعیت ویژه ژئوپلیتیکی و ژئواستراتژیکی که دارد همواره قدرت های منطقه ای و فرامنطقه ای در آن دخالت کرده اند. شکل گیری خیزش های عربی و پس از آن دخالت قدرت های منطقه ای و بین المللی در آن، یمن را بیش ازپیش به بحران کشاند و این کشور را به میدان جنگ داخلی و خارجی تبدیل کرد. در این مقاله در پی پاسخ این پرسش هستیم که چهار بازیگر مهم منطقه ای، یعنی جمهوری اسلامی ایران، عربستان سعودی، امارات متحده عربی و اسرائیل، چه منافع ژئوپلیتیکی را در بحران یمن دنبال می کنند؟ یافته های پژوهش نشان می دهد که با وجود انگیزه های سیاسی و ایدئولوژیکِ هرکدام از بازیگران، بیشتر اهداف اساسی آنان در این بحران، متوجه مزیت های ژئوپلیتیکی و ژئواستراتژیکی یمن است. ایران علاوه بر اهداف ایدئولوژیک در کمک به مستضعفین، این بحران را عرصه ای برای گسترش عمق ژئوپلیتیک محور مقاومت می داند و عربستان سعودی نیز که مهم ترین بازیگر منطقه ای دخیل در بحران یمن است، یمن را برای جاه طلبی های منطقه ای و بین المللی و همچنین متوقف شدن مشکلات ژئوپلیتیکی اش ضروری می داند. امارات متحده عربی که سیاست خارجی اش را بر دیپلماسی دریایی و تنگه ای بنا کرده است، ژئوپلیتیک یمن را محور سیاست هایش برای نقش آفرینی مؤثرتر در منطقه می داند. اسرائیل نیز که یکی از واحدهای سیاسی ذی نفع در دریای سرخ محسوب می شود، موقعیت ژئوپلیتیکی یمن را برای امنیت کشتیرانی و افزایش قدرت بازدارندگی اش در برابر جبهه مقاومت مهم می داند.Geopolitical interests of regional actors in the Yemen crisis
Due to its special geopolitical and geostrategic position, Yemen has always been the subject of interference by regional and extra-regional powers. Bringing Yemen in a crisis, the formation of the Arab uprisings and then the intervention of regional and international powers turned this country into a domestic and foreign battlefield. This article seeks to answer the question of what geopolitical interests four important regional actors, namely the Islamic Republic of Iran, Saudi Arabia, the United Arab Emirates and the Zionist regime, pursue in the Yemen crisis. The findings of the research show that despite the political and ideological motivations of all these actors, most of their basic goals in this crisis are aimed at the geopolitical and geostrategic advantages of Yemen. In addition to its ideological goals of helping the oppressed, Iran views this crisis as an arena for expanding the geopolitical depth of the axis of resistance. And, as the most important regional actor involved in the Yemen crisis, Saudi Arabia sees this country essential to advance its regional and international ambitions, as well as to draw a veil over its geopolitical problems. The United Arab Emirates, which has based its foreign policy on sea and strait diplomacy, considers Yemen's geopolitics as the backbone of its policies in order to play a more effective role in the region, and the Zionist regime, which is known as one of the beneficiary political actors in the Red Sea, considers the geopolitical position of Yemen important for providing shipping security and improving its deterrence power against the resistance front. With the emergence (occurrence) of the Arab uprisings, Yemen, like previous decades, suffered internal crisis and chaos and; as a result, many regional and extra-regional actors entered this crisis in order to benefit from Yemen's geopolitical gifts. Due to its unique geopolitical and geostrategic position, Yemen is significant for regional and trans-regional actors; therefore, each of the regional powers, especially the four main influential actors in the Yemen crisis, i.e. Iran, Saudi Arabia, the United Arab Emirates and the Zionist regime, consider some interests for themselves in this country. Despite the political, economic, ideological and military interests, the biggest factor that has drawn these actors towards Yemen crisis is the geopolitical and geostrategic advantages of this country which include political, economic and other advantages. In addition to political and ideological interests, the Yemen crisis and the promotion of Ansarullah from a sub-national to a national and even regional power have had geopolitical benefits for Tehran. having not very peaceful relations with Iran during the era of Ali Abdullah Saleh and Mansour Hadi, yemen, with the outbreak of its crisis and the presence of Ansarullah in this country, was added to the circle of Iranian friends in the region and expanded the strategic depth of Iran to the Red Sea and the strategic strait of Bab al-Mandab. With such an opportunity, in addition to prompting the geopolitical weight of the axis of resistance and itself, Iran can increase its deterrenc power against its most important regional enemy, the Zionist regime, and its most important regional rival, Saudi Arabia. Iran can also prevent the political, military and economic strategies of the West, especially the United States, to isolate Iran and exclude it from the transit corridors. The result of such developments can be an increase in Iran's national security factor. The second and probably the most important foreign actor involved in the Yemen crisis is Saudi Arabia. The Yemen crisis, in general, imposed many political, economic, military and geopolitical costs on Saudi Arabia, because with the occurrence of Islamic awakening and the emergence of such actors as Ansarullah, Riyadh's influence in Sana'a was reduced and this country faced many challenges. However, the geopolitical interests of Saudi Arabia, such as reducing the geopolitical risk of Yemen for Riyadh, the connection with the high seas through the control of Yemen's strategic ports, as well as the stability of the Arabian Peninsula in order to continue its ambitious approaches at the regional and international levels, led Riyadh to maximize its presence in the Yemen crisis. The third regional actor involved in the Yemen crisis is the United Arab Emirates, whose interests in Yemen can be considered completely geopolitical. With its maritime and strait diplomacy, the UAE seeks to dominate the international waterways and ports and strategic islands of the Red Sea and the Gulf of Aden, and by the way, the Yemen crisis made this strategy of the UAE a reality. During the last decade, the UAE has been able to make capital investments in many ports and islands in the south of Yemen and to have a significant military presence there. Therefore, the interests of the UAE, unlike Saudi Arabia, are the division of Yemen and the support of the Southern Transitional Council in order to guarantee its decisive influence in the south of Yemen and the geostrategic regions of this country and achieve its ambitious goals in order to become the economic and tourism hub of the Middle East. The fourth influential but shadowy regional actor in the Yemen crisis is the Zionist regime. The regime , which has experienced the loss of access to the Red Sea in the 1973 war (Yom Kippur), knows that the loss of the Red Sea can endanger its foundation. Therefore, the developments of all the countries of the Red Sea and especially Yemen, which owns the Strait of Bab al-Mandeb in addition to being located in the Red Sea, is important for the Zionist regime. The Yemen crisis is important for the Zionist regime since it has been able to bring together reactionary Arab countries and the Jewish state and also to advance the balkanization of the Middle East one step further. But the most important benefit of the Zionist regime from the crisis in Yemen can be seen in the connection of this regime with the Southern Transitional Council and its hidden presence in the south of Yemen and the strategic islands of this country, creating many opportunities for. However, the emergence of Ansarullah is the most important challenge for the Zionist regime in the Yemen crisis, which can not only neutralize all these political and geopolitical opportunities resulting from the crisis, but also creates numerous threats to the regime in the Red Sea.
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